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[Commlist] CFP: Media Accountability and Corruption in Africa: Contestations and Controversies
Tue Sep 05 12:06:58 GMT 2023
*Call for paper (CFP)*
**
*Media Accountability and Corruption in Africa: Contestations and
Controversies*
**
*Abstract Submission Deadline: November 14, 2023*
Book Editors:
Ufuoma Akpojivi, Policy, Research and Learning Lead, Advocates for
International Development, UK, Email:(Ufuoma.Akpojivi /at/ a4id.org)
<mailto:(Ufuoma.Akpojivi /at/ a4id.org)>
Tendai Chari, Associate Professor of Media Studies, University of Venda,
South Africa, Email:(Tendai.Chari /at/ univen.ac.za)
<mailto:(Tendai.Chari /at/ univen.ac.za)>
At the attainment of independence, there was euphoria that African
states would witness economic and political growth and development as
‘independence in Africa was supposed to usher in a period characterized
by the peaceful co-existence of population groups and significant
improvements in the wealth-creating capacity of each new nation’ (Mbaku
2007). However, the continent has not witnessed this economic and
political liberation due to political instability and economic crises
rooted in corruption (Sarassoro 1979). Studies show that corruption in
its various guises is rife on the African continent. According to
Transparency International in their 2015 report, corruption is on the
rise and has impacted significantly on the continent's socio-economic,
political and cultural development. The UN Conference on Trade and
Development (UNCTAD) claimed that the continent loses about $88.6bn or
3.7 per cent of its gross domestic product (GDP) annually on illicit
financial flows. Similarly, in a corruption perception index conducted
by Transparency International in 2022, 44 out of the 49 sub-Saharan
African countries assessed scored below 50, with the few gains made by a
few countries eroded by the significant decline in corruption by most of
the other African countries. The global COVID-19 pandemic has further
enabled African states to perpetuate corruption as institutional
mechanisms to regulate procurement were suspended as a result of the
need for a rapid response to curtail the spread of the virus, giving
rise to a new form of corruption, derisively referred to as
‘tenderpreneurs’ or ‘Covidpreneurs’ (see Mutuwa and Akpojivi 2022). The
impact of corruption on the continent cannot be over-emphasised.
Corruption is not only harmful to human development due to the lack of
basic amenities (good roads, health care and education), but also
hinders the attainment of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
.
The media are regarded as the watchdog of society and have an important
role to play in reporting and representing corruption, as they are
instrumental in promoting accountability and transparency in both the
public and private sectors (Norris 2008). They are able to do this via
the reportage of corrupt activities, as their reportage exposes
maladministration and activities within the various sectors of society
and the economy. However, the ability of the media to report corruption
effectively is tied to freedom and availability of strong institutions
that enable an open and transparent society. Weder and Brunetti (2003)
posit that there is a correlation between media freedom, plurality and
corruption. This means that the level and quality of freedom within
society influence and determine the level of corruption in society. As
Mbaku (2007) argues, the media, civil societies, and anyone could expose
corruption in a free and open society.
On the other hand, the media has been accused of enabling corruption
within the continent despite its important role in the fight against
corruption. There have been many instances where themedia have been
compromised through bribery or influence/coercion/political pressures,
which is corruption at the administrative, petty and influencing levels
(Bracking 2023).
Therefore, eradicating corruption within the African continent, which
is a bane (Kwei Armah 1968), is dependent not just on the establishment
of strong institutions and adherence to the rule of law but on the
‘will’ whether political, social or economic will, of the media to
report on corruption and be ethnically upright to spurn corruption at
all levels within its establishment. Onyenankeya and Salawu (2020),
drawing from the Nigerian experience, argued that the ability of the
Nigerian media to carry out investigative journalism that will expose
corruption has been hindered due to economic factors and the patrimonial
relationship between the media and the state. Such patrimonial
relationship cuts across most media organisations across the continent
as there have been reported cases of media being captured alongside the
state (Fazekas and Toth 2016, Madonsela 2019). Such capture reflects the
deep-rooted nature of corruption and the distinct nature in which it
happens and how other structures of society, like the media, enable
corruption within society and within their very own institution.
Generally, corruption thrives on morality, professional ethics, and
political and economic environments. Thus, the media is primarily
responsible for questioning society's morality or moral concepts and
ensuring that moral principles of good governance and accountability are
ingrained in every fabric of society. Similarly, professional ethics
regulate the activities of the state and non-state actors, and the media
has the responsibility of educating and instilling these principles in
society as they carry out their fundamental functions of being a
watchdog against corruption, promote integrity and engage citizens in
anti-corruption efforts and activities (Schauseil 2019). However, the
difficulty of having a universal moral principle or the contestation as
to what corruption is, based on the ethnicization of corruption and
prebendal politics within the continent, is beginning to influence how
media operations and their content due to weak economic and socio-moral
base of the media (see Nyamnjoh 2005, Voltmer 2008). Such ethnicization
of corruption is seen in how corruption is framed and reported in the
media and perceived by the public. Likewise, the need for the media to
act ethically despite pressure and influence and eliminate all forms of
corruption within its institution and not enable corruption in the
public and private sectors.
Therefore, in this edited volume, we are interested in how corruption is
imagined or (re)imagined in the continent. Does such (re)imagination of
corruption (en)force the dominant forms in which corruption manifests
within the continent in the private and public sector, or has the rise
of global citizen activism (online or offline) refined how corruption is
reported? Also, we are interested in addressing the questions of who
watches over the watchdog when they enable or act corruptly? And what
are the broader implications of corruption within the media institution
on democracy and its stability within the continent? We welcome
submissions that touch on any of the following and related sub-themes
indicated below:
Submissions covering, but not limited to the following areas are welcome:
i.Conceptualisation of corruption and its manifestations
ii.State and media capture in Africa
iii.Media, accountability and corruption in Africa
iv.The watchdog role of the media and corruption
v.Media and the ‘War’ against corruption in Africa
vi.Public interest journalism and accountability in Africa
vii.Media framing and reporting of corruption in Africa
viii.Media and pathologisation of corruption in Africa
ix.Media, corruption and Afro-pessimism
x.Mediation of corruption and its broader impact in society
xi.Civil society, activism and corruption in Africa
xii.Citizen journalism and corruption in Africa
xiii.Ethical universalism and corruption
xiv.Political corruption and financialization of the media
xv.Open, and just society: the place of the media in fighting corruption
and building strong institutions.
xvi.Role of media freedom and diversity in enhancing corruption reportage.
xvii.Journalistic independence and corruption in Africa
xviii.Media, corruption and the whistleblower phenomenon in Africa
xix.Ethical conundrums in reporting corruption
xx.Checkbook /Brown Envelop Journalism and Corruption in Africa
xxi.Media Leaks and corruption in Africa
xxii.New media, corruption and accountability in Africa
xxiii.Role of social media in exposing corruption in Africa
xxiv.Media, censorship and corruption in Africa
xxv.Media, corruption and conflict of interest
xxvi.Investigating journalism and corruption in Africa
*Submission details*:
Please email a chapter proposal of up to 400 words and brief author's
biographical information and affiliations to the editors
(atufuoma.akpojivi /at/ a4id.org)
<mailto:(ufuoma.akpojivi /at/ a4id.org)>(andtendai.chari /at/ univen.ac.za)
<mailto:(tendai.chari /at/ univen.ac.za)>. Decisions on chapter proposals will
be communicated to the authors by November 30, 2023. The book is
earmarked for publication with Routledge. N*o payment from the
authors*will be required.
*Timelines*:
November 14, 2023: Abstract submission deadline
November 30, 2023: Notification of decision
February 14, 2024: Deadline for submission of full draft
April 14, 2024: Feedback from peer reviewers
June 14, 2024: Deadline for submission of the revised chapter
July 30, 2024: Final decision on chapter submission
October 30, 2024: Submission of book manuscript to the publisher
*About the Editors*
**
Ufuoma Akpojiviis the Policy, Research and Learning Lead at Advocates
for International Development, United Kingdom, and a Visiting Scholar at
the School of Information and Communication Studies, University of
Ghana, Ghana. Prior to this, he was an associate professor and Head of
the Media Studies Department, University of the Witwatersrand, South
Africa, and a Visiting Professor at the School of Media and
Communication at Pan-Atlantic University, Nigeria. He is a C2-rated
researcher of the National Research Foundation (NRF) South Africa and a
recipient of the University of the Witwatersrand Vice-Chancellor and
Faculty of Humanities individual teaching and learning award (2017).
*Tendai Chari*is an Associate Professor of Media Studies and a National
Research Foundation (NRF) C3 Rated Researcher at the University of
Venda, South Africa. He holds a PhD in Media Studies from the University
of Witwatersrand, South Africa. Previously, he lectured at several
universities in Africa, including the University of Zimbabwe, (where he
was Head of the Media Programme in the English Department), the Zimbabwe
Open University (ZOU), National University of Science and Technology
(NUST) and Fort Hare University (South Africa). Chari is widely
published in the field of media and communication studies and his
research focuses on Political Communication with a broadened horizon on
the interface between Digital Media and Politics, Media and Conflict,
Media Ethics and Popular Culture.
*Reference*
**
Asomah, J. (2020). Can Private Media Contribute to Fighting Political
Corruption in Sub-Sahara Africa? Lessons from Ghana./Third World
Quarterly/, 41 (12).
Asomah, J. (2021). What can Be Done to Address Corruption in Ghana?
Understanding Citizen’s Perspectives,/Forum for Development Studies/, 48
(3).
Bracking, S. (2023). The Challenge of Corruption, presented at the Law
and Development Training Programme, Strengthening and Developing the
Rule of Law (SDG16) Module, July 15, London.
Fazekas, M. & Toth, I. (2016). From Corruption to State Capture: A New
Analytical Framework with Empirical Applications from Hungary./Political
Research Quarterly/, 69 (2): 320-334.
Kwei-Armah, A. (1968)./The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born./Houghton
Mifflin.
Maadonsela, S. (2019). Critical Reflections on State Capture in South
Africa./Insight on Africa/, 11(1): 113-130.
Mbaku, J. (2007)./Corruption in Africa: Causes, Consequences and
Cleanups/. Lanham: Lexington Books.
Mutuwa, W. & Akpojivi, U. (2022). Critical Journalism and Media Coverage
During the Covid-19 Pandemic: Representation of Corruption in Zimbabwean
Online News. In C. Dralega & A. Napakol, (eds),/Health Crises and Media
Discourses in Sub-Saharan Africa/, Springer, 75-93.
Norris, P. (2008). The Role of the Free Press in Promoting
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Nyamnjoh, F. (2005). Africa’s Media Democracy and the Politics of
Belonging. London: Zed Books.
Onyenankeya, K. & Salawu, A. (2020). On Bended Knees: Investigative
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Sarassoro, H. (1979). Corruption of Public Officials in Africa-A
Comparative Study in Criminal Law. Online:
Schauseil, W. (2019).Medi and Anti-Corruption. Transparency International.
Transparency International (2015). Corruption in Africa: 75 Million
People pay Bribes.
Online:https://www.transparency.org/en/gcb/africa/africa-9th-edition
<https://www.transparency.org/en/gcb/africa/africa-9th-edition>
Transparency International (2023). CPI 2022 For Sub-Saharan Africa:
Corruption Compounding Multiple Crises.
Online:https://www.transparency.org/en/news/cpi-2022-sub-saharan-africa-corruption-compounding-multiple-crises
<https://www.transparency.org/en/news/cpi-2022-sub-saharan-africa-corruption-compounding-multiple-crises>
UNODC (N/D). The Role of the Media in Fighting Corruption.
Online:https://www.unodc.org/e4j/en/anti-corruption/module-10/key-issues/the-role-of-the-media-in-fighting-corruption.html
<https://www.unodc.org/e4j/en/anti-corruption/module-10/key-issues/the-role-of-the-media-in-fighting-corruption.html>
Voltmer, K. (2008). Comparing Media Systems in New Democracies: East
Meets South Meets West./Central European Journal of Communication/, 1:
23-40.
Weder, B. & Brunetti, A. (2003). A Free Press Is Bad News for
Corruption./Journal of Public Economics/, 87(7-8): 1801-24
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