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[Commlist] CfP- “Media & Populism” - Revista Media & Jornalismo
Tue Jun 01 21:12:01 GMT 2021
The scholarly journal Revista Media & Jornalismo (ICNOVA, Nova
University, Lisbon) invite researchers to submit articles that discuss
the contemporary populisms for a special issue on “Media and Populism”
(Number to be published in 2022).
* Deadline for submission: September 30^th , 2021.
* Editors: Isabel Ferin Cunha (ICNOVA); Liziane Soares Guazina
(Universidade de Brasília) and Gianpietro Mazzoleni (Università
degli Studi de Milano).
* Texts in Portuguese, Spanish and English will be accepted,
addressing, from multiple geographical and political contexts, and
from political and communication understanding, this complex issue.
* Manuscripts must be submitted through the journal's website
(https://impactum-journals.uc.pt/mj
<https://impactum-journals.uc.pt/mj>).
* When accessing the RMJ for the first time, you must register to
submit your article and accompany it throughout the editorial
process. See the Authors' Instructions, Conditions for Submission,
and the journal's Editorial Policies.
* Media & Journalismo does not charge any fee from authors to articles
submission, peer review, revision, journal publishing, and
distribution, publication and download in the World Wide Web.
* For more information, contact: (patriciacontreiras /at/ fcsh.unl.pt)
<mailto:(patriciacontreiras /at/ fcsh.unl.pt)>
The “populist” label is almost always used to describe a wide range of
individuals, parties, and movements, from left to right, who structure
their political strategy around a dualistic and simplifying conception
of reality. Concept of multiple semantic variations, depending on
historical and political context in which it is employed, populism has
been identified as a low-density ideology, quite sophisticated in terms
of electoral effectiveness, which considers – in a Manichean perspective
-society divided in two antagonistic groups: “the pure people” and “the
corrupt elite” postulating the people’s unrestricted sovereignty. The
populist assumes strategies of communication and rhetoric that value the
perception of the existence of a monolithic people, whose identity would
be threatened by the action of enemy groups -what some leaders call
“Homeland enemies”. In this sense, populism is defined as discourse
based on simplistic judgments and easy dichotomies, where the people
(the crowd) are told what they hope to hear, polarizing society and
dividing citizens between good and bad people.
Last decade we have witnessed the emergence of populist governments in
several countries around the world, that threaten the rules of liberal
democracy, especially regarding individual rights, freedom of expression
and press. They are populist and authoritarian governments installed
many times, based on the holding of free elections, followed by the
attempt of constitutional changes, which aim to perpetuate the leaders
in power and to condition civil and human rights. Contemporary
populisms, or neo-populisms, seek to distort the notion of “volonté
générale du people”, adulterating this democratic value, to attack, in
the public sphere and through an anti-democratic rhetoric, instances of
representation and mediation. The preferred targets have been
parliaments and courts, knowledge institutions, scientific communities,
social and humanitarian movements, and the media themselves. Thus,
modern authoritarian populisms, embodied by leaders who are or have
recently left power, such as Donald Trump (United States), Jair
Bolsonaro (Brazil), Recep Erdogan (Turkey), Viktor Orbán (Hungary),
Rodrigo Duterte (Philippines), Matteo Salvini (Italy) and others,
increase, or have increased an attitude of contesting democratic values
and their institutions of mediation and regulation.
In this scenario, the mainstream and new media assume an evident
centrality both in creating the conditions for the emergence of the
populist phenomenon and in offering the ideal technological equipment
for the popular leader to be able to establish a direct communication
with the “people”.
Social networks (Twitter, Facebook, Instagram) and instant messaging
applications (WhatsApp, Telegram) gave to populists’ great visibility in
the public sphere from the dissemination of extremist and conspiracy
theories. Examples of this situation are the profiles of ghost users and
the “shots” of false, uncharacterized and or modified information, based
on programming technologies mastery and data misappropriation. The
networks strategy of populist leaders also involves the denounce of “bad
information” disseminated by traditional media that oppose to populist
theses, accusing them of factional and false makers of news. The
traditional media, despite being permanently attacked by populist
rhetoric, have a direct relationship with the phenomenon. In fact, they
have contributed last decade, directly, to the naturalization of
populist rhetoric, by giving visibility to the messages of these leaders
in the media coverage. This journalistic discourse encouraged political
conflict and the growing discredit of democratic institutions, as
happened in contexts of journalistic corruption scandals coverage.
The Media and Populism volume is included in the ongoing Research
Projects “Freedom of Expression and the Press – a comparative analysis
of electoral processes in Portugal and Brazil” (OBCOM-USP/IPA/ICNOVA)
and “Observatory of Populism in the 21^st Century (ICNOVA, Institute of
Contemporary History/UNL, Postgraduate Program in Communication/
University of Brasilia and Postgraduate Program in Communication/Federal
University of Mato Grosso).The volume accepts studies that address one
or more of the following topics: Historical contextualization of
populisms; Representation of leaders and populist movements in
traditional media; Populism and pandemic; Populism, digital media, and
election campaigns; Populism media and political representations;
Populism and disinformation in the post-truth context; Comparative
studies between right and left populisms; Populism, media and democratic
crisis.
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