[ecrea] CfP Internet & new forms of political participation

Internet and New forms of political participation

Conference

Lille (France), March 28-29th, 2019
With the support of the CERAPS (University of Lille), the CEDITEC 
(UPEC), the

CEVIPOL (Free University of Brussels) and the CReSPo 
(Saint-Louis-Brussels University) Call for papers

Deadlines :

  * · Deadline for proposals submission : December 31st, 2018
  * · Answer: January 15th, 2019
  * · Sending of communications: March 15th, 2019
  * · Conference: March 28th and 29th, 2019
Scientific Committee : Christine Barats (information and communication 
sciences, CEDITEC, Paris Descartes University), Julien Boyadjian 
(political science, CERAPS, Sciences Po Lille), Jean-Gabriel Contamin 
(political science, CERAPS, University of Lille), Anne Dister 
(Linguistics, Saint-Louis-Brussels University), Philippe Gambette 
(Computer Science, LIGM, Paris-Est Marne-la-Vallée University), Camille 
Kelbel (Political Science, CEVIPOL, Free University of Brussels), 
Raphaël Kies (University of Luxembourg) , Jean-Marc Leblanc (language 
sciences, Ceditec, UPEC), Martine Legris-Revel (sociology, CERAPS, 
University of Lille), Regis Matuszewicz (political science, CERAPS, 
University of Reims), Eric Montigny (political science, University of 
Montreal), Marcel Moritz (law, CERAPS, University of Lille), Olivier 
Paye (political science, CRESPPO, Saint-Louis-Brussels University), 
Marie Peres-Leblanc (ICT, CEDITEC, UPEC), Jean-Benoît Pilet (political 
science , CEVIPOL, Free University of Brussels), Thomas Soubiran 
(Methods of social sciences, CERAPS, University of Lille), Julien Talpin 
(political science, CERAPS, CNRS), Stephanie Wojcik (information and 
communication sciences, CEDITEC, UPEC).

Please submit your communication proposal through the link below:

https://goo.gl/forms/EQ8BRlQ7qs6W6uzB2

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1

Call

Studies on offline political participation have for a long time 
demonstrated a deep participatory divide between those participating a 
lot – a minority – and a vast majority of citizens taking part to very 
few political activities, and not always according to "politician" 
considerations (Gaxie, 1978).

However, according to the upholders of the paradigm of the "(new) 
mobilization" (Hirzalla, van Zoonen and of Ridder, 2011), the lower 
costs of participation, made possible by the use of the internet, would 
have favored the inclusion of new participants, in particular stemming 
from social groups which some structural constraints held away from the 
"established and temporarily limited forms of participation" (Wojcik, 2011).

Field works, in the United States but also in Europe, have also 
highlight the real -but limited- effects of internet on the mobilization 
of new participants (Boulianne, 2015; Christensen, 2011). According to 
them, not only the social media - As YouTube, Twitter, Flickr, Facebook, 
Tumblr etc. - serve for political activities, but the very use of 
internet would increase votes or political participation (Lee and alii, 
2013), so that even the time spent on "surfing everywhere" could 
increase political activity (Wright, 2012; Margetts, 2015; Vaccari and 
alii, 2015). Some put forward even that internet skills could be the 
main resource to participate online, independently of any political 
motivation (Krueger, 2002; Anduiza and alii, 2010; Borge and Cardenal, 
2011; Vicente and Novo, 2014).

Thus the online activism would complete the offline activism, even if 
links between them should still be elucidated. For some, online activism 
would open on new logics of commitment, the logics of the "connective" 
action, different from the traditional logics of the collective action 
(Bimber and alii, 2005; Bennett and Segerberg, 2012), which would 
produce, as for the offline activism, sub-models of e-participation 
(Cantijoch and Gibson, 2013) refracting a plurality of links to 
politics, from the most distant to the most active ones (Leonard, 2009; 
Christensen, 2011; Life,2014). Online activism would lead to the 
emergence of new modes of action (Granjon, 2002a; Peretti and 
Micheletti, 2004; Greffet and Wojcik, 2008; Badouard, 2013; Théviot and 
Mabi, 2014; Babeau, 2014; Halupka, 2014), and even to the emergence of 
new repertoires of actions (Granjon, 2002b, Van Laer and alii, 2010).

For others, some forms of hybridization of online and offline activism 
would appear (Wright, 2015). Online activism could contribute in 
particular to the revitalization of a set of former political practices, 
by opening them to new actors and to new ideas (Riehm and alii, 2014; 
Puschmann and alii, 2017). It could also subvert some of the traditional 
limits of the collective action (Margetts and alii, 2009). It would 
produce especially forms of hybridization between online and offline 
commitment, variable according to the modes of action and the 
individuals (Bastos and alii, 2015; Lee and Chan, 2016).

These new actors, engaged in new forms of action, would speak politics 
differenty. On Internet and the social media, political commitment would 
indeed be expressed in new manners, more personal, more "expressive" 
(Monnoyer-Smith, 2011), more creative, associated with specific figures 
and formats (Babeau, 2014; Benson, 2017). New manners to speak and to 
engage politically would appear as much in the old rags of petitioning 
(Boure and Bousquet (2010, 2011); Hagen and alii, 2016) as on new 
platforms such as YouTube (Van Zoonen and alii, 2010).

Finally, these new political forms of participation -both new according 
to their authors as to their modes and their contents- would be 
supposed, according to some academics, to be also more efficient. Some 
studies demonstrated it in focusing on specific public policy

(Alathur, 2007; Navarria, 2010; Cotton, 2011; Panagiotopoulos, 2010; 
Morva, 2016). H.Margetts theorizes it more generally (Margetts, 2009). 
This is especially the main assertion of the "cyber-enthusiasts" who put 
forward the democratising virtues of new technologies (Lipset, 1960; 
Sola Pool, 1983) which question the centralized control of 
communications and which are supposed to offer to each an equal 
possibility to speak (Winner, 2014). An assertion that should have been 
attested by what has been presented as the "e-revolutions" of the "Arab 
world" (Lim, 2013; Howard and Hussain, 2013).

Nevertheless, the conclusions of these works remain controversial. To 
the cyberenthusiasts of the western democracies and to the partisans of 
the theory of the "mobilization", oppose the upholders of the thesis of 
the "normalization" or "reinforcement" (Margolis and Resnick, 2000), 
according to whom, for the main part, internet would change nothing to 
the political participation, or those supporting the theory of the 
"substitution" who deduce that the new technologies could feed in the 
"clicktivism" or "slacktivism": a "soft" or "lazy” activism (Shulman, 
2009; Morozov, 2011) of individuals whose political activity would 
express itself only through internet (online petitions, Facebook groups, 
etc.) rather than bearing the costs and risks linked to offline activism 
(travel, public exposure, police repression, etc.).

Many works, focusing on different countries, media or modes of action, 
using different methodological devices, agree on the fact that, for the 
main part, online activities are done by already offline active 
citizens, so that Internet would offer new opportunities to those 
already active rather than it would lead previously passive citizens to 
mobilization. At bet, it might be noticed a renewal in the youngest 
categories, but without any reduction of the social differences (Bimber, 
1999 and 2001; Norris, 2003; Schlozman and alii, 2010; Van Laer, 2010; 
Dare and alii, 2013; Carlisle and Patton, 2013; Carman, 2014; Neihouser, 
2014; Best and Krueger, 2005; Boyadjian, 2016; Escher and Riehm, 2017).

Some even assure that Internet would add a "digital divide" (Norris, 
2001) to the "social divide", not only for technical reasons, but also 
and especially for cognitive reasons. Internet would aggravate the 
differences of activity between the citizens as far as only the most 
educated and the most interested in the politics would benefit from 
these new opportunities (Thomas and Streib, 2003; Weber and alii, 2003; 
Van Laer, 2010; Lindner and Riehm, 2011). One would notice an hyper 
concentration of the discussions (Dormagen and Boyadjian, 2016). One 
could speak of a "second-level digital divide” (Min, 2010). Especially 
as beyond differences in level of activity, the social and cultural 
inequalities would be distributed from now on within the online 
practices, in particular the online political practices (Cardon, 2010).

In the same way, one has questioned the novelty of the collective-action 
repertoires (Bellon, 2014), that of the changes of contents and formats 
(Himelboim and alii, 2009; Dias da Silva, 2015) - by putting forward, on 
one hand, the filiations with the former contents (Chartron and 
Rebillard, 2007), and, on the other hand, the weakly deliberative 
character of the online exchanges (Mutz and Wojcieszak, 2009; Poster, 
1997) which look more like "flame wars" (Dery, 1994) than discussions in 
an habermassian space (Rheingold, 1994) - and, finally, the novelty of 
their impacts. Beyond the questioning of the impact of the new media in 
the recent movements of mobilization in the "Arab world" (Allal and 
Pierret, 2013; Contamin, 2016), some investigate their efficiency by 
comparing it in particular to that of the "traditional" modes of action 
(Hooghe and Marien, 2014; Escher and Riehm, 2017) or by underlining more 
globally the incapacity of these modes of action to reach the expected 
results in the "real" world (Shulman, 2005 and 2009; Coleman and 
Blumler, 2009).

These findings incite the partisans of the theory of the substitution to 
deepen this questioning. At first, they may question the political 
character of many of these exchanges

and these actions (Hoffman, on 2012). Then, they wonder if internet 
would not divert the citizens of the real political actions for the 
benefit of forms of participation via the social media which would have 
no real political consequences and which would especially serve to 
increase the feeling of utility and psychological comfort of those who 
perform them (Morozov, 2011; Harlow and Guo, 2014; Schumann and Klein, 
2015). We would sign online petitions or we would be a member of 
political groups on Facebook rather than to contribute in long-term 
political campaigns (Joyce, 2010). We would discuss politics with our 
friends rather than get organized to influence directly the public 
authorities (Schlozman and alii, 2010).

However, between these three positions, the conclusions remain 
contradictory. When some put forward the politicizing role of Facebook 
(Chan, 2016), others demonstrate its role of "diversion" towards 
politics (Theocharis and Lowe, 2016). When some underline that Internet 
would not have allowed a rebalancing of the political participation 
between men and women (Friedman, 2005), others highlight an equalizer 
effect (Sheppard, 2015). The difficulty in concluding is doubtless 
partly bound to the fact that methods designed to study the offline 
political participation are used to analyze the online participation. On 
the contrary, one could suppose that the emergence, the multiplication 
and the diversification of the forms of "political" participation - the 
term itself would have to be discussed- online (Facebook, twitter, 
instagram, YouTube, discussion forums, comments, websites of online 
petition, more institutional platforms, ...), as the provision of new 
large big data for research can be used to reframe these traditional 
questions, using new data and innovative methodological devices.

This conference is precisely thought around this "bet". It aims at 
gathering field works which, from new data and/or from new methods, 
re-question this now traditional issue of the effects of the new 
technologies on the political participation, according to various angles :

- that of the participants, with in particular the question of the links 
between " participatory divide" and "digital divide"

- that of the modes of actions, with in particular the question of the 
links between online and offline actions

- that of the contents, focusing in particular on the possible renewal 
of the forms and formats of political enunciation

- that of impacts, with in particular the question of the forms of 
impact and of the articulation with the impact of other forms of 
political participation.

Interdisciplinary works will be particularly welcome as well as studies 
which concern varied national or international grounds. The ethical and 
legal dimension of this type of studies, which suppose to work on 
personal data sometimes partly without knowing those who produce them, 
will also be one of the stakes of this conference.

The proposals have to contain a title and a summary of maximum 1 000 
words (without bibliography) which specify the question of research, 
describe the methods and the data and give an indication of the results. 
They must be sent by December 31st, 2018 on the following link:

https://goo.gl/forms/EQ8BRlQ7qs6W6uzB2

Agreement of the scientific committee on the admissibility of the 
contribution: January 15th, 2019.

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The authors of the accepted proposals will have to submit their articles 
before the date of the conference in order to facilitate the later 
publications.

Deadline to send the papers (50000 sign maximum, including bibliography) 
: March 15th, 2019.

The speaking languages will be French and English. If needed, a system 
of interpreting will be set up (from French towards English).

Possible support, subject to conditions, for travel and accommodation 
costs. Contact : Jean-Gabriel Contamin : (jean-gabriel.contamin /at/ univ-lille.fr)

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