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[Commlist] Call for Papers: Online Symposium on Influencer Diplomacy
Wed Feb 18 08:22:14 GMT 2026
*Call for Papers: Influencer Diplomacy Symposium, Friday, 24 April 2026
(Online)*
*Applications now open, closing 16 March 2026*
*For more details, click here _https://ierlab.com/influencer-diplomacy/
<https://ierlab.com/influencer-diplomacy/>_ *
**
The Influencer Ethnography Research Lab (IERLab) is calling for
submissions for our upcoming symposium on Influencer Diplomacy, to be
held online via Zoom on 24 April 2026.
Recent research on influencers has highlighted their growing presence in
political arenas. Concepts such as ‘political influencers’ (Schwemmer &
Riedl 2025), ‘political relational influencers’ (Goodwin et al. 2023),
‘propaganda influencers’ (Woolley 2022), or ‘influencers as ideological
intermediaries’ (Arnesson 2023) capture the varied ways creators engage
with political content, whether by shaping public opinion, amplifying
state messaging, or embodying ideological narratives. Within these
political capacities, influencers are playing an increasingly prominent
role in diplomacy, though their involvement is met with mixed responses.
For example, the European Union’s use of influencers on platforms such
as TikTok to engage younger audiences reflects an institutional embrace
of influencer-led diplomacy (DiSario 2026), as does the positive
reception of American streamer iShowSpeed’s state-sanctioned tour of
China (Latifah Aini 2025). By contrast, Chachavalpongpun (2025)
critiques how influencers have leveraged the Thai–Cambodian border
conflict to expand their digital visibility in ways that intensify
geopolitical tensions, while Colombian influencers have faced backlash
for promotional activities in Israel (Freixes 2025). Together, these
examples reveal that the involvement of influencers in diplomatic arenas
warrants closer attention, as they are not merely amplifying diplomatic
messages but are actively shaping diplomatic processes, mediating
between publics, political conflict, and state agendas.
Research on political influencers has shown how digitally native
creators blend advocacy (Riedl et al. 2021; Martin et al. 2024),
self-branding (Ong et al. 2022), and platform vernaculars (Harris et al.
2023) to engage audiences through affective and narrative labour
(Goodwin et al. 2023; Martin et al. 2024). While this literature has
focused primarily on domestic politics, recent studies demonstrate
growing overlaps between influencer practices and diplomacy. For
example, Lo Presti et al. (2025) identify ‘geopolitical influencers’
shaping public discourse around international conflicts, while Arnesson
(2024) shows how state-sponsored trips by Swedish influencers function
as soft power and perception management. Influencers also enact
diplomacy through semi-official and spontaneous practices, including war
influencing (Divon & Eriksson Krutrök 2025; Taher et al. 2025;) and
activist interventions that reshape international perceptions of
nationhood (Casas 2025). Taken together, these studies reveal
influencers operating across multiple diplomatic registers, yet without
a shared definition of ‘influencer diplomacy’.
The uncertain boundaries of ‘influencer diplomacy’ reflects broader
transformations in diplomacy itself. Diplomacy has traditionally been
understood as negotiation among states through official representatives
(Cornago 2022). However, diplomacy has expanded beyond its traditional
focus on state actors, to include a broader range of actors and
practices. Cultural diplomacy shifts representation away from diplomats,
with the state using culture to foster trust, promote the nation, and
shape international perceptions (Kim 2017). Citizen diplomacy moves
diplomacy further from the state, as individuals undertake diplomatic
work through journalism, activism, and community initiatives, acting as
political agents in their own right (Anton & Moise 2022). Meanwhile,
everyday diplomacy highlights how diplomacy unfolds in ordinary, mundane
encounters, showing how international relations are experienced and
enacted outside formal state institutions (Jones & Clark 2015; Marsden
et al. 2016).
In the age of influencers, diplomacy is shaped further by branding
infrastructures, visibility economies, and platform logics. For example,
government–influencer collaborations are often regulated through
commercial frameworks that inadequately capture their political
implications (Annabell et al. 2025), while political and diplomatic
communication increasingly adopts influencer-oriented logics of metrics,
relatability, and attention—or ‘wanghong thinking’—shaping practices in
China (Xu 2024). Meanwhile, influencers on platforms like TikTok also
enable states to reach foreign audiences while circumventing official
restrictions (Fjällhed et al. 2024), raising concerns about
instrumentalisation and blurred boundaries with propaganda (Ong et al.
2022; Reveilhac 2025; Wooley 2022; Xu & Schneider 2025). Scholars
further question who counts as an influencer and what agency these
actors hold: Anton and Moise (2022) situate influencer diplomacy within
citizen and informal diplomacy; Casas (2025) includes artists, minor
celebrities, activists, and indigenous cultural producers; and Tian et
al. (2025) and Manfredi et al. (2024) highlight overlaps between
politicians, influencers, and citizen journalists, underscoring the lack
of a shared definition.
Context-specific studies illustrate how influencer diplomacy operates
across multiple registers and produces varied impacts. In Indonesia, for
example, influencers can soften national symbolism, potentially
signalling shifts in paternalistic governance, while also intersecting
with nation branding moments such as sporting events (Li & Feng 2022;
Ratriyana et al. 2024). In China, state-curated collaborations privilege
particular racialised and national subjectivities, raising questions
about imagined diplomatic audiences, while foreign YouTubers are
incorporated into official networks through reposting by diplomats and
state media (Brockling et al. 2023; Cho-Li et al. 2025). In Russia,
unofficial actors such as the Night Wolves biker group are embedded
within national influence ecosystems (Boichak 2023). Wartime and
border-region contexts further illustrate these dynamics: Brazilian
influencers shape narratives around the Russia-Ukraine war (Pelevina &
Salojärvi 2025), and 'pro-China foreign political influencers' share
content across borders in international contexts to reshape global
reputation and national image (Tian et al. 2025). Studies also highlight
influencers’ own strategies, balancing official collaborations,
spontaneous content, personal branding, audience expectations, and
political sensitivities, while leveraging participation for visibility
and professional gain in China and Korea (Lee & Abidin 2022; Lee &
Alhabash 2022; Xu & Qu 2025). At the level of everyday diplomacy and
transnational imaginaries, Chinese vloggers also participate in shaping
‘unofficial geopolitics’ in Pakistan (Zoppolato & Culcasi 2026).
In this symposium, we focus on the generative concept that we call
/influencer diplomacy. /We see this as the ways in which influencer
cultures, practices, and industries impact diplomatic processes, from
influencers assuming diplomatic roles and politicians adopting
influencer strategies, to marketing firms leveraging influencer
infrastructures in the mediation of international relations. Influencer
diplomacy operates not only at formal state and institutional levels but
also intersects with everyday politics, shaping public discourse and
social engagement. Moreover, it must account for how influencers, as
platform-savvy actors, tailor diplomatic communication to the
vernaculars, norms, and affordances of specific digital platforms.
To explore this phenomenon in more detail, the Influencer Ethnography
Research Lab (IERLab) will be hosting a one-day online symposium (on
Zoom) to examine the evolving practice of influencer diplomacy. We
invite submissions from humanities and social sciences, including but
not limited to media studies, cultural studies, sociology, anthropology,
political science, area studies, and international relations. We
particularly welcome submissions that focus on empirically grounded
research and comparative case studies.
Selected papers will be considered for a peer reviewed edited
collection. As such, we are only able to consider original,
previously-unpublished abstracts/papers. Suggested topics include but
are not limited to:
*
Influencers as official and unofficial intermediaries in diplomatic
endeavours
*
Motivations, labour, and negotiation in influencers’ diplomatic
practice
*
Politicians adopting influencer strategies in international
communication
*
The role of affect, intimacy, authenticity, and storytelling as
diplomatic resources
*
Audience participation, public formation, and the politicisation of
influencer collaborations
*
Influencer diplomacy as both a practice and a governing logic: how
diplomacy increasingly ‘thinks like an influencer’
*
Influencer diplomacy in crisis, conflict, humanitarian, and wartime
contexts
*
Regulation, disclosure, and governance of state–influencer
collaborations
To be considered for the symposium, please submit a 250-word abstract
and 100-word bio via the Google form below by 1700hrs (GMT+8) 16 March
2024. Notifications of acceptance will be sent on 20 March 2024. We
gladly welcome co-authored submissions; to keep presentations
consistent, each submission is limited to one presenter, preferably the
corresponding author. Please submit via this form:
_https://forms.gle/7EWBPEuR4gk3ceKK7 <https://forms.gle/7EWBPEuR4gk3ceKK7>_
All enquiries should be directed to (_contact /at/ IERLab.com)
<mailto:(contact /at/ IERLab.com)>_
Key Dates:
*
16 March 2026: Abstracts and biographies due
*
20 March 2026: Notifications of acceptance
*
24 April 2026: Influencer Diplomacy Symposium
We look forward to receiving your submissions.
Faye Mercier, Wuxuan Zhang, Prof. Crystal Abidin
/Influencer Ethnography Research Lab (IERLab), Curtin University/
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